Film, Politics, and GramsciU of Minnesota Press, 1994 - 280 pages |
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Contents
1 | |
The Gramsdan Politics of Culture | 18 |
Socialism andor Democracy Politics Culture and the State | 43 |
Cultural Politics and Common Sense | 73 |
They Were Sisters Common Sense World War II and the Womans Film | 99 |
Looking Backward Versions of History and Common Sense in Recent British Cinema | 123 |
Language Folklore and Politics in the Films of the Taviani Brothers | 155 |
Postmodernism as Folklore in Contemporary Science Fiction Cinema | 185 |
Gramsci beyond Gramsci and the Writings of Antonio Negri | 211 |
Notes | 247 |
Bibliography | 263 |
Index | 271 |
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Common terms and phrases
analysis antagonisms Antonio Gramsci Antonio Negri aspects become Bobbio British Cinema capital character Chariots of Fire civil society common sense concern conflict contemporary context contradictory create crisis critical critique democracy discourses discussion dominant economic elements emphasis existing explore Fascism female film's filmmakers folklore Fordism formations forms Frankenstein Frankenstein Unbound Fredric Jameson gender genre Gramsci's notion Gramsci's writings Gramscian hegemony Ibid identify ideology images important individual issues Italian Landy Landy's language linked Lucy Marx Marxism mass culture melodrama modern modes narrative nature Negri neorealism neorealist Norberto Bobbio organic intellectuals Padre padrone particular party past peasants popular position postmodern practices present production protagonist Quaderni question relation relationship representation rethinking revolution revolutionary role Sassoon science fiction scientist sexual sisters social specific strategies struggle Stuart Hall subaltern groups Tavianis texts theory thinking tion transformation understanding woman's film women workers
Popular passages
Page 126 - ... the way it really was' (Ranke). It means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger.
Page 78 - In acquiring one's conception of the world one always belongs to a particular grouping which is that of all the social elements which share the same mode of thinking and acting.
Page 79 - The personality is strangely composite: it contains Stone Age elements and principles of a more advanced science, prejudices from all past phases of history at the local level and intuitions of a future philosophy which will be that of a human race united the world over.
Page 88 - ... operates (mass culture is popular and thus more authentic than high culture, high culture is autonomous and therefore utterly incomparable to a degraded mass culture) — tends to function in some timeless realm of absolute aesthetic judgment, is replaced by a genuinely historical and dialectical approach to these phenomena.
Page 164 - The modern prince, the myth-prince, cannot be a real person, a concrete individual. It can only be an organism, a complex element of society in which a collective will, which has already been recognised and has to some extent asserted itself in action, begins to take concrete form.
Page 82 - Critical understanding of self takes place therefore through a struggle of political "hegemonies" and of opposing directions, first in the ethical field and then in that of politics proper, in order to arrive at the working out at a higher level of one's own conception of reality. Consciousness of being part of a particular hegemonic force (that is to say, political consciousness) is the first stage towards a further progressive selfconsciousness in which theory and practice will finally be one.
Page 1 - We need the power of modern critical theories of how meanings and bodies get made, not in order to deny meaning and bodies, but in order to live in meanings and bodies that have a chance for a future.
Page 1 - our' problem is how to have simultaneously an account of radical historical contingency for all knowledge claims and knowing subjects, a critical practice for recognizing our own 'semiotic technologies' for making meanings, and a no-nonsense commitment to faithful accounts of a 'real...